Bruno Bettelheim and "mental disorders"
Because I am tied up with preparations for our seminar, to be held on the weekend of 11-12 March, I decided to reprint our article from the May 2005 Journal from our website. See www.consciouslivingseminars.com
"Bruno Bettelheim and the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School of the University of Chicago: A personal view (continued from Volume 5, Number 2)
The decade following the death of Bruno Bettelheim has been called 'the roaring nineties' by Joseph Stiglitz, author of Globalization and its discontents (2002). His book of the same name – The roaring nineties (2003) is subtitled 'A new history of the world’s most prosperous decade' (New York: W W Norton & Company, 2003). And the most prosperous industry in the 1990s was the pharmaceutical industry. The degree to which it was able to colonise our consciousness, through its influence in the mass media and the publishing industry – not to mention its control of governments, the medical profession and so-called 'scientific' research, together with professional journals – is nothing short of breathtaking.
By the end of the decade, the old orthodoxy with which I had grown up in the 1940s and ’50s and which I had naively assumed to have been displaced during the late 1960s and 1970s had been firmly re-established. The mass media carried the message into every home: we are ruled by biology; genes determine everything about us. Where the sixties and seventies had revealed the role of the environment – economic, legal, political, social, cultural and familial – the nineties was formally declared 'the decade of the brain'. Depression, as well as psychiatric “disorders” like schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, together with the developmental disorders of childhood and adolescence, such as Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD), Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), anxiety disorders – including Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) – conduct disorders, learning disorders like dyslexia, and autism, all these, not to mention violence, suicide and delinquency, were due to 'brain chemistry, not bad parenting' [Editorial Review of It’s nobody’s fault (1996), by Harold S Koplewicz, MD. 'For the guilt-ridden parents of nearly 7.5 million children living with mental disorders such as ADD' (amazon.com) the book “offers new hope”].
As Marcia Angell explained in her book on the pharmaceutical industry last year (see CLS Journal for August, 2004, Volume 4, No 8) the real story of the rise of the industry began during the 1980s, beginning with the watershed year, 1980, when legislation was passed by Congress that set the scene for what was to follow – not merely obscene wealth, but almost unlimited power. Several other things happened during the 1980s, however. One of the most important, from the point of view of biological psychiatry at any rate, involved Chestnut Lodge, made famous during the 1940s and ’50s by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann.
In 1982, Raphael Osheroff, who had spent six months at Chestnut Lodge in 1979 and had been discharged after being unsuccessfully treated for depression, filed a malpractice suit against the clinic. Osheroff, who was successfully treated with medication at a psychiatric hospital called Silver Hall, in New Canaan , Connecticut , after leaving Chestnut Lodge, claimed that the latter had been negligent because its choice of treatment, intensive psychotherapy, was inappropriate. Had he been given drug treatment, as he was subsequently at Silver Hall, he would not have deteriorated the way he did at Chestnut Lodge.
Osheroff won the case. Chestnut Lodge appealed and, after several years of legal argument, the case was finally settled out of court in late 1989. Because both parties had been enjoined from disclosing the terms of the settlement, endless debate followed.
One of the features in the seven-year legal battle had been what some called the “defection” of some prominent psychiatrists to the Osheroff side. One of these was Gerald Klerman, a psychiatrist at Cornell University Medical School , a long-time advocate of drug treatment (Gail A Hornstein, To redeem one person is to redeem the world: The life of Frieda Fromm-Reichmann. New York: The Free Press, 2000: 386). The following year – 1990, the year of Bettelheim’s death – Klerman wrote about the case in the American Journal of Psychiatry ('The psychiatric patient’s right to effective treatment: Implications of Osheroff v Chestnut Lodge', AJP, 1990, 147: 409-418). 'The psychiatrist has a responsibility to use effective treatment', Klerman stated; equally, the patient had a right to expect it. The argument was, simply, that when the scientific evidence was clear that medical treatment with antidepressants was more effective than psychotherapy the latter was not justified. When physicians in a given specialty had reached agreement on how to treat a given illness, this meant that there was an agreed-on way to treat that particular disorder – a 'standard of care' had been established. Physicians are expected to adhere to these standards. The cardiologist, for example, administers a routine set of tests and medications. Anything outside this standard of care is unwarranted. Fromm-Reichmann’s biographer concluded: 'Klerman’s attempt to make Chestnut Lodge look like the last vestige of an unscientific psychiatry was just one of many efforts to portray biological methods as the new standard' (Hornstein, 2000: 389).
It worked. Virtually the entire profession was intimidated into submission. Chestnut Lodge, where severely distu rb ed patients were once healed by the gifted Fromm-Reichmann, capitulated. Ann-Louise Silver, then director of Chestnut Lodge, wrote an article about the inclusion of medications in the treatment of patients, in 1997 ('Chestnut Lodge, then and now. Work with a patient with schizophrenia and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder'. Contemporary Psychoanalysis, 1997, 33: 227-250). Over a twenty-year period her work evolved, she wrote, from one based on Harry Stack Sullivan’s (and Frieda Fromm-Reichmann’s) approach to something she called, in 1997, 'an assertive ‘psycho-biosocial’ strategy of treatment for schizophrenia' (cited in Joseph Schwartz, Cassandra’s daughter: A history of psychoanalysis in Europe and America. London : Allen Lane , the Penguin Press, 1999: 183). This evolution had not taken place in a vacuum, but 'under the pressures of managed-care approaches to mental distress dominant in the United States since the 1980s' (Schwartz, 1999: 183). In the 1997 article, Silver described her work, over a nine-year period, with a 44-year-old woman who had suffered several schizophrenic breakdowns since adolescence. In addition to psychotherapy, the following drugs were used: atenol, divalproex, clomipramine (Anafranil), clozapine, fluoxetine (Prozac), lerothyroxine, lorazepam and thiothixene. These were used 'to moderate her depression, anxiety, her obsessive behaviour and the effects of the drugs themselves' (ibid). Schwartz explains: 'Mainly acting on the neurotransmitters serotonin and dopamine, these pharmacological agents are now considered by staff at Chestnut Lodge to be necessary to help make patients psychologically available for psychotherapy' (ibid).
Without someone like Fromm-Reichmann and, more to the point, bullied into submission by the combined weight of the medical profession, the legal system and, most important of all, the pharmaceutical industry with its representatives dominating government agencies like the FDA, CDC and NIMH, Chestnut Lodge now uses the above mentioned expensive and dangerous drugs to treat mental disorders. So, too, does the Orthogenic School , presumably for the same reasons. In January of this year, I wrote to the School’s director and asked: 'On the school’s website there are references to pharmacological treatments. Can you tell me what these are – that is, what conditions does the school treat with medications and which ones (eg does the school use, or has it used the SSRI antidepressants to treat depression, OCD or anxiety disorders?' The director wrote back with the following response: 'We use all available pharmacologic agents for psychiatric illness. This includes SSRI’s for depression and anxiety disorders as well as stimulants, mood stabilizers and anti-psychotics'.
Part of the 'colonisation of consciousness' I mentioned earlier involved, during the nineties, a strategy to discredit non-medical approaches to dealing with human suffering, including not only non-biological techniques – such as psychoanalysis – but the practitioners themselves. Concurrently with a highly visible campaign to discredit psychoanalysis during the nineties (much of which was well-deserved), there was an equally public campaign to discredit those who had been the most successful in healing people without using medication, such as Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Bruno Bettelheim and even Virginia Axline.
A spate of books appeared during the nineties, denouncing psychoanalysis, psychoanalysts and, in particular, the 'mavericks' like Fromm-Reichmann and Bettelheim. The internet, too, was flooded with caricatures of these practitioners, some even thinking that Virginia Axline, a Rogerian who founded non-directive play therapy with children, was a psychoanalyst. Books like Edward Shorter’s A History of psychiatry: From the era of the asylum to the age of Prozac and Edward Dolnick’s Madness on the couch: Blaming the victim in the heyday of psychoanalysis (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998) – and, in 2002, Matt Ridley’s Nature via nurture, mercilessly caricatured both psychoanalysts and psychoanalysis as well as all non-medical approaches to 'mental disorders'. Similarly, a spate of books on autism, while purporting to be personal accounts of the experience of autism, went out of their way to heap scorn on people like Bettelheim, Fromm-Reichmann and Virginia Axline, often taking a swipe at several earlier practitioners along the way (eg Clara Claiborne Park’s The siege, 1967 and 1995; Judy and Sean Barron’s There’s a boy in here, 1992 and 2002; and Catherine Maurice’s Let me hear your voice, 1993 and 1994).
The so-called 'memory wars' need to be seen in the same context (Frederick Crews et al, The memory wars: Freud’s legacy in dispute. London: Granta Books, 1995 and 1997; Mark Prendergrast, Victims of memory: Incest accusations and shattered lives. New York: Upper Access Books, 1995 and 1996; London: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996; Frederick Crews, editor, Unauthorized Freud: Doubters confront a legend. New York: Viking, 1998).
It is absolutely crucial to understand that Richard Pollak’s biography of Bruno Bettelheim, first published at the beginning of 1997 and reprinted the following year, is part and parcel of this phenomenon. This is irrespective of whether it is part of a calculated, deliberate campaign or not, as I mentioned in February. A book that is so full of inaccuracies and written with so little compassion for its subject would not have had the same impact had it appeared ten years earlier.
It is therefore important to discuss the whole issue of Bruno Bettelheim and his work at the Orthogenic School not as one that is merely interesting and valuable in itself but as a phenomenon that is inextricably bound up with the rise of the pharmaceutical industry and its attempt to redefine what it is to be human. That is to say, while Bruno Bettelheim the person is obviously important to the people who have known him personally, such as former students and counsellors at the Orthogenic School, his children and former friends and associates, his relevance for the rest of us is what he stood for and the forces that opposed him (and continue to oppose him). From that point of view, it does not take exceptional perceptiveness to see that, if substantial numbers of severely disturbed or distressed young people were rehabilitated without medication then the entire edifice constructed by the pharmaceutical industry and the psychiatric profession over the past two decades collapses. It is therefore essential that Bruno Bettelheim be discredited or, failing that, that both he and 'his school' be forgotten. The medical profession, the multi-billion-dollar pharmaceutical industry, the institutions of scientific research and their professional journals, government agencies, the mass media and the publishing industry has done – over the past two decades, what it needed to do to survive as an obscenely wealthy and powerful set of interconnected structures. It has redefined our understanding of human nature, health and illness (although this meant little more than simply reverting to a conception that has been popular for several centuries) using every means at its disposal.
The publication of books and newspapers and the promotion of television programs aiming to discredit successful healers like Bruno Bettelheim, Frieda Fromm-Reichmann and Virginia Axline was one important part of the strategy. Marketing sickness (eg depression, OCD, ADD, ADHD and panic disorders and social phobia) and drugs to treat them has been another important element in the strategy. For example, in 1989, Judith Rappaport made OCD a household name with the publication of her bestselling book The boy who couldn’t stop washing (New York: E P Dutton, 1989). As a result, OCD, virtually unknown prior to 1989 because it was such a rare “disorder” became, overnight, a disease afflicting millions. By 1997, when David Healy published The antidepressant era, it was thought to afflict up to 3% of the American population, meaning that some seven million people in the USA were said to have this disorder. The most common medical treatment for it involves the SSRIs like Prozac, Zoloft, Luvox and so on. A similar story can be told for ADD and ADHD (and the successful marketing of Ritalin), as well as depression (and the incredibly successful marketing of SSRIs, especially Prozac, Zoloft and Paxil [Aropax]).
Yet another crucial component in the strategy was the necessity of hiding the truth, both concerning the ineffectiveness of these so-called wonder drugs and, equally, their well-documented (though secret) side effects, such as the tendency to make their users agitated, manic, suicidal and/or violent. By the time Prozac came onto the American market in 1988-1990, for example, both the manufacturer and government agencies in countries such as Germany already had scientific evidence, from clinical trials, about these side effects. These were not made public. Then, pretty much as soon as people began taking Prozac (and the other SSRIs), several highly publicised events began to occur.
The manufacturers of the SSRI antidepressants like Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil (Aropax), Celexa and Luvox survived a series of high profile murder-suicide incidents through a clever manipulation, not only of the mass media, government agencies and the medical profession (as well as the scientific community) but even the legal system.
On 3 August, 1989 , Joseph Wesbecker was prescribed Prozac for depression. Five weeks later, his psychiatrist, Lee Coleman, noticed that Wesbecker had become very agitated and much more nervous and anxious and angry than he normally was. He suspected that Prozac was the cause, told Wesbecker to stop taking it and urged hospitalisation. Three days later, on 14 September, 1989, still with a high level of Prozac in his blood, Wesbecker walked into his former workplace, a printing plant in Louisville, Kentucky, with an AK-47 assault rifle, killed eight people and wounded another twelve and then turned the gun on himself (Peter R Breggin and Ginger Ross Breggin, Talking back to Prozac: What doctors won’t tell you about today’s most controversial drug. New York: St Martin’s Press, June, 1994/St Martin’s Press paperback, September, 1995: 148-150).
Prozac horror stories flooded the media and, by the end of 1992 no fewer than 170 lawsuits were filed against its manufacturer, Eli Lilly. Reports linking Prozac to violence appeared in the media and in Talking back to Prozac the authors document dozens of cases of violence or a preoccupation with violence by people taking Prozac. These cases take up five pages of print. Most of the dozens of incidents related to suicide or homicide. In September, 1991, the FDA held a public hearing to examine the issue, listened to several heartrending stories and decided Prozac was safe. By March, 1994, Bonnie Leitsch, director of the national Prozac Survivors Support Group, had documented over 1000 cases of individuals who had had 'adverse reactions' to Prozac, the vast majority being related to violence against self or others – including both murder and suicide (Breggin and Breggin, 1994/1995: 159).
A large number of the surviving families of the victims of Wesbecker took Eli Lilly to court. Peter Breggin was their chief medical expert witness for the Plaintiff. Amongst other things, he testified that Eli Lilly had withheld information from the public, the medical establishment and the FDA, namely that they had conducted clinical trials which showed that Prozac could increase the rate of suicide attempts and lead to very high rates of agitation and could even cause psychotic mania (Peter R Breggin, The anti-depressant fact book: What your doctor won’t tell you about Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, Celexa and Luvox. Cambridge , Massachusetts: Perseus Publishing, July, 2001: 174-175).
The jury came back with a 9-3 verdict in favour of Eli Lilly. The mass media gave wide coverage to the drug company’s victory. Then something extraordinary happened. Prior to the commencement of proceedings, Breggin had found that Paul Smith, the attorney for the litigants, did not seem to be interested in his testimony, had put him in a hotel several miles removed from the legal team and had even hidden evidence from him. They’d had several heated confrontations over what Breggin saw as Smith’s obstructionist tactics. Indeed, Breggin had to write out his testimony in the form of dozens of prepared questions for Smith to ask him and only after yet another confrontation did Smith agree to ask some of the questions – but not all. He refused, for example, to ask Breggin about some of the most important discoveries he’d made (Breggin, 2001: 176). 'Increasingly I felt like I was being set up, but why or to what end?'
Soon after the trial, presiding judge John W Potter concluded that Eli Lilly and Co had fixed the trial. Even though, toward the end of the trial, he had asked both sides if they had made a secret settlement, and both sides had denied it, the judge concluded that an agreement had, indeed, been reached between the parties: in return for the drug company paying a large, undisclosed amount to the plaintiffs (hundreds of millions of dollars, according to Breggin’s estimate), Smith agreed to present a watered down case as well as to discredit Breggin as an expert witness for future Prozac suits (Breggin, 2001: 177). The trial was rigged.
Judge Potter threw out the jury verdict and changed it to a settlement with prejudice (ibid) by Eli Lilly and Co. Eli Lilly – as well as Paul Smith – appealed the judge’s decision to the Kentucky Supreme Court, which concluded, in May 1996, that the drug company had manipulated the judicial system and may even have committed fraud. Although Potter wanted to disclose the amount of money that had been paid, a new judge concluded that the amounts were so large that their disclosure would harm the drug company. 'The case ended with the invalidation of the jury verdict and the open admission that the Wesbecker trial had been rigged' (Breggin, 2001: 178). The mass media failed to report the reversal against the drug company, with one exception (the British news agency, Reuters). 'As a result of the media silence, the fake trial was a massive legal, public relations and political victory for Eli Lilly & Co' (ibid).
Peter Breggin summed it up like this: 'The Wesbecker trial indicates the degree to which a powerful drug company can and will influence American society, including the courts and the media. This influence reaches into the very heart of organized psychiatry and medicine' (Breggin, 2001: 179).
William Forsyth was diagnosed as being depressed in December 1992, by Dr Riggs Roberts, a Hawaiian psychiatrist in private practice. It was not a serious depression. He was not suicidal and did not require hospitalisation (David Healy, Let them eat prozac: The unhealthy relationship between the pharmaceutical industry and depression. New York: New York University Press, 2004: 91). The psychiatrist prescribed Prozac. Two days later, he felt so bad he had to go to hospital. Ten days after going on Prozac he left the hospital, went home, had a meal with his wife, stabbed her fifteen times and then 'fixed a serrated kitchen knife to a chair and impaled himself on it' (Healy, 2004: 93).
The case went to court, after almost seven years, in March and April, 1999. The jury found in favour of Eli Lilly. On 20 April, 1999 , the plaintiffs appealed. The case was settled out of court in 2002! Once again, as Healy (2004: 129-149) describes, there were strange goings-on, this time in the jury room, which was why the plaintiffs appealed the verdict.
The decade of the nineties rolled on, producing unprecedented profits for the pharmaceutical industry. Prozac made, not millions, but billions of dollars for the manufacturer (the other SSRIs were not far behind). In spite of both scientific evidence that ALL the SSRIs, including Prozac, had deadly side-effects including homicide and suicide, and in spite of regular murder-suicides which received huge publicity, the thought processes of the average American and Australian citizen remained unresponsive. The combined weight of the pharmaceutical industry, the medical profession, the professional scientific community, government agencies, the mass media and the publishing industry deadened our cognitive abilities.
On 21 May, 1998, Kip Kinkel, who 'had been receiving psychiatric treatment that probably included his taking Prozac sometime in the past and Ritalin at the time of the shooting', killed his parents and opened fire at Thurstone High School, in Oregon, wounding a 17-year-old student in the chest (Peter R Breggin, Reclaiming our children: A healing plan for a nation in crisis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Perseus Books, 2000: 10, 19).
On 16 April, 1999, Shawn Cooper, a fifteen-year-old student at Notus Junior-Senior High School in Notus, Idaho, fired two shotgun rounds, narrowly missing students and school staff. He was taking Ritalin at the time (Breggin, 2000: 19).
On the morning of 20 April, 1999 , eighteen-year-old Eric Harris and his friend, seventeen-year-old Dylan Klebold, killed or wounded 35 students and one teacher at Columbine High School, in Littleton, Colorado. They then killed themselves. Twelve students and one teacher were killed, that is, there were fifteen deaths, with another 23 injured. Eric Harris had been receiving 'medical treatment' for Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) with the SSRI, Luvox (fluvoxamine).
On 20 May, 1999 , exactly one month after the shootings at Columbine High School, a fifteen-year-old student, Thomas (“T J”) Solomon, fired on his classmates at Heritage High School in Conyers, Georgia . T J Solomon entered the school carrying a .357 magnum revolver and a .22-calibre rifle. He shot and wounded six students before being persuaded to hand his weapons over by Assistant Principal Cecil T Brinkley. At the time of the shootings, T J had been receiving treatment, supposedly for depression, with Ritalin.
The response of the United States Government was swift. On 7 June, 1999 , President Bill Clinton, Vice President Al Gore and their wives, Hillary Clinton and Tipper Gore, opened the high-profile White House Conference of Mental Health in Washington, DC. Hillary Clinton introduced two psychiatrists (both biological psychiatrists) at the opening session. One was Steven Hyman, director of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH). The other was Harold S Koplewicz, author, in 1996, of the book I mentioned earlier, It’s nobody’s fault (Koplewicz has, since then, published another book, called More than moody: Recognizing and treating adolescent depression. New York: G P Putnam & Sons, 2002; First Pedigree, paperback, edition, September, 2003. Bennett L Leventhal, Professor of Psychiatry and Pediatrics and the current director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School, called it 'an outstanding book', while Tipper Gore wrote: 'I hope every family with teenagers reads it'). Peter Breggin takes up the story: 'First one and then the other doctor informed us that our children suffer from genetic and biological brain diseases that cause many millions of them to be mentally distressed and potentially violent. The child psychiatrist (Harold Koplewicz) specifically rejected any possibility that ‘bad childhood traumas’, ‘inadequate parenting’ or even ‘absent fathers’ could be at the root of the suffering displayed by so many of our 70 million infants, children and youths under eighteen, including 52 million school children' (Breggin, 2000: 2-3).
Already before the conference, both Hillary Clinton and Tipper Gore, using the President’s weekly radio address, had promoted the conference and its 'central theme' – that mental disorders are physical diseases of the brain that are best treated with medication (Breggin, 2000: 18). Mrs Gore – who had the previous month publicly stated that her 'clinical depression' in 1989 had been helped by antidepressants, estimated that “more than one in five Americans experience some form of mental illness every year, from depression to 'schizophrenia' (quoted in Breggin, 2000: 18). 'Many mental disorders are biological in nature and can be medically treated', she added. At the conference there were repeated references to the shootings at Columbine High School , but none to the fact that Eric Harris was taking medication at the time – as was the case for T J Solomon when he had become violent the previous month. Ignoring the role of drugs like the SSRI antidepressants and Ritalin in dozens of high profile shootings, President Clinton announced a new multi-agency Federal initiative aimed at providing training programs to all American schools and communities in order to 'identify troubled children' and 'provide them better school mental health services', that is, more medication!
Peter Breggin summed up one of the main themes like this: '(A)s parents and interested adults, we have nothing whatsoever to do with our children’s suffering … We do not contribute to or cause any of their more serious emotional, psychological, or social difficulties – and there’s little we can do about our children except hand them over to the experts for psychiatric diagnosis and drugging' (Breggin, 2000: 18-19).
And again: 'The psychiatric/drug company public relations campaign has been so successful that many people, including otherwise devoted and sensitive mothers like Mrs Clinton and Mrs Gore, have failed to appreciate the inherent destructiveness of attributing all personal suffering and misconduct to genetics and brain disease. Biological psychiatry disempowers parents while sapping family life of meaning. It reduces our own suffering and misconduct and that of our loved ones, to mechanical breakdown in brain chemistry' (Breggin, 2000: 20).
The power of the pharmaceutical industry to manipulate both public opinion and officialdom is evident in several ways. First, in spite of all the evidence, all the SSRIs are still legal and readily available, as are stimulants like Ritalin, so-called 'mood stabilizers' and anti-psychotics. Millions of people are being prescribed these medications daily, even as reports of suicide, murder and other “adverse reactions” continue unabated. Secondly, when these side effects are being publicised, such as the stories in the New York Times and the Washington Post during the past year-and-a-half, they are done so in a misleading way (see, for example, CLS Journal for April 2004). No one reading the New York Times last year could possibly realize that all the “latest revelations” have a history that predates the licensing of the SSRIs. There is nothing about the scientific evidence that has been readily available in professional journals for almost twenty years. The hundreds of settled cases against the drug companies, as well as the legal and illegal manoeuvrings are simply invisible.
In Australia, things are even worse. Our mass media have a virtual ban on discussing the issue. There have been rare exceptions, such as the Four Corners program on 28 April, 2003 and an article in the Sydney Morning Herald last year. These are, as I say, extremely rare. When a popular children’s magazine published a one-sided article on OCD last year and Ha rb ans and I wrote a reply, attempting to warn parents about the real – and well-documented – dangers of the SSRIs used to treat OCD, our letter was not published (see CLS Journal, Volume 4, No 8). In the recent spate of murder-suicides (and in the most recent high profile suicide of René Rivkin) the mass media have remained silent about the possible role of Prozac and other SSRIs, even though these drugs have been involved in nearly all cases, especially the shootings at the Red Lake Indian reservation in which 16-year-old Jeff Weise killed nine people before committing suicide. Relations wondered whether the ever-increasing levels of Prozac he was taking may have affected him (see New York Times, 27 March, 2005 ).
In this entire public non-debate, virtually the only point of view heard is that of biological psychiatry. The issue of 'mental disorders', of depression, of 'OCD', of ADD and ADHD, of the orgy of suicide and homicide – the whole issue has been medicalised, with governments again announcing increased expenditure for so-called “mental health services”. There is one issue that has been virtually banished. That is the way we treat babies and children. The question of natural, drug-free childbirth, not in a hospital but at home or in a birthing centre, of the importance of mother-child bonding and attachment, of the importance, for the baby and toddler, of staying with the parents rather than being placed in so-called 'day care' (or “childcare”) during the first three years, of breastfeeding for at least two years if this is possible, of picking babies up when they cry in order to comfort them, of sleeping with them and carrying them on our bodies – these matters have been relegated not to the unimportant but to the nonexistent. The idea that what happens within the family during a child’s first three years might have anything to do with whether they develop so-called 'mental disorders' or not has been banished into oblivion. So, too, it seems, the idea that, even when things go wrong we should look at the child’s environment (home, childcare centre, preschool, school, for example) or consider some form of healing that does not require medication.
Bruno Bettelheim, in his numerous publications, had a great deal to say about many of the above 'non-issues'. That is the reason for the incredibly successful public campaign to discredit him. In the long term, his work will endure because it represents an enduring wisdom. A counsellor at the Orthogenic School put it this way, in correspondence with me last December: 'The positive in what he wrote and practised is valid because of its inherent validity'. What he wrote is that the environment in which babies and young children live is a crucial determinant of both physical and mental health; that whatever it is that we inherit in terms of our genetic makeup cannot, in itself, make us ill, but requires an environment of some sort to determine health or sickness; that the EARLIEST interactions between baby and care giver, usually the mother, form the most important elements in the baby’s environment. And, finally, he wrote – and dedicated his adult working life to demonstrating – that the effects of the baby’s and young child’s experiences are reversible, even when severe damage has been done. The Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School of the University of Chicago – or, rather, the so-called 'milieu therapy' it practised for several decades – was the creation of Bruno Bettelheim. While there were clearly exceptions, the numerous people whose lives it profoundly touched are testimony to the validity of 'what he wrote and practised'.
Andrew Reiner 18 May, 2005 "
Actually, I think it may be relevant to republish the editorial in the CLS Journal for May 2005, as well:
"Editorial (Wednesday, 18 May, 2005)
Yesterday’s Sydney Morning Herald put the launch, the previous day (Monday, 16 May), of Growing up in Australia by Kay Patterson, the (Commonwealth) Minister for Family Services, on the front page, under the headline: 'Back-to-work mothers hail the new era'. The first sentence of this disheartening story reads: 'Two out of five mothers return to work by the time their child turns one and nearly 70 per cent are working at least part-time by the time their children turn five, research into the lives of 10,000 Australian children shows' (Sydney Morning Herald, Tuesday, 17 May, 2005 , p1).
The research, conducted by the Australian Institute of Family Studies, was commissioned by the Commonwealth Government and cost $20 million. The Minister is quoted as saying: 'I have consistently said that children are better off in a household where parents have a job'. The study also found that 'only about half of infants were still being breastfed at six months' (Sydney Morning Herald, 17 May, 2005, p4) and that over 20% of four-to-five-year-olds were 'overweight or obese'. The majority of parents with obese children actually believed their children were 'a healthy weight'.
This comes less than a week after the unveiling by the Government of its $3.6 billion 'welfare-to-work strategy', aimed at forcing single parents, mostly mothers, 'to work', as government spokespeople quaintly put it.
This is all extremely disheartening stuff. Even conservative professionals are now recommending breastfeeding for at least twelve months; the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommends a minimum of two years. For a government Minister to state publicly that children 'are better off in a household where parents have a job', without saying anything about the critical importance of the first three years – but in particular the first year – is tantamount to encouraging mothers to abandon their babies.
Below [see above] I conclude the article on Bruno Bettelheim and the Orthogenic School. As I explain, something has happened during the past 15-20 years to make the kind of 'discussion' represented by the Herald article possible. Nowhere in the current 'debate' does anyone challenge either the vocabulary (full-time mothers, apparently, do not 'work') or the lack of research into the connection between these appalling statistics and the epidemic of depression and other 'mental disorders'. I put the vilification of Bettelheim and the attempt to discredit his work into this context. That is, in order to have this mind-boggling discussion at all, it is essential to eliminate people like Bruno Bettelheim and discredit the activities of the Orthogenic School first. What we read in our newspapers or watch on our television sets is so out of touch with reality and so bizarre that we simply no longer notice it. The important thing is to ensure that whatever we do as parents and whatever we do as a society, we must deceive ourselves into believing that our babies and young children will not be harmed. This was a point of view Bruno Bettelheim challenged and, in death if not in life, he has paid the price for revealing important truths about our society".

